Chapter 45 Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads WARREN B. CHURCH AND ADRIANA VON HAGEN INTRODUCTION At the cloud forest juncture of the northeastern Peruvian Andes and the upper Amazon basin, the pre-Columbian societies subsumed under the label “Chachapoya culture” occupied the Colonial-period threshold to mythical El Dorado and the feral lowland rainforests. To scholars and the public, the region evokes images of abandoned jungle cites and the quintessential “lost civilization,” cloaked in impenetrable forest and mystery. Today, the northern Peruvian cloud forest is remote, with large uninhabited expanses representing archaeological terra incognita and reputedly “some of the last forested wilderness of South America” (Young and León 1999: 11). Yet paradoxically, these montane forests harbor archaeological evidence of dense pre-Hispanic populations and spectacular monumental archaeological sites. Mounting evidence shows that, far from being isolated, the Chachapoya thrived at a cultural crossroads that once connected distant Andean and Amazonian societies. Scholars have repeatedly argued that the challenging eastern Andean tropical forests cannot sustain dense settlement or support independent development of complex societies. History shows that when presented with such settlement anomalies, archaeologists typically resort to migration theories (Adams et al. 1978). Literature about the region is largely descriptive, but interpretations reflect an obsession with population origins; indeed, every cardinal direction has been suggested as a point of origin. From the highlands, migrants were purportedly driven by droughts, or served as state-sponsored, agricultural colonists. Handbook of South American Archaeology, edited by Helaine Silverman and William Isbell. Springer, New York, 2008 903 Silverman2_Ch45.indd 903 11/20/2007 10:22:04 AM 904 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen The lowlands and highlands allegedly contributed migrants responding to population pressure. We believe the time has come to address Chachapoya archaeology as an indigenous, eastern slope development. While still sketchy, the sequence of Chachapoya cultural development has begun to resemble developmental trajectories documented in better-known Andean regions; in presenting a provisional culture history for the region we use common conventions such as the Rowe-Menzel (1967) chronological framework, and emphasize emerging themes. WHO WERE THE CHACHAPOYA? “Chachapoya” describes the ancient Andean societies inhabiting the cordillera between the Marañón and Huallaga rivers that were subjugated by the Incas during the mid-fifteenth century, while “Chachapoyas” refers to the pre-Hispanic geographic domain surrounding the modern city of Chachapoyas (see Figure 45.1). Scholars debate the term’s etymology, although “Chacha” evidently referred to a major ethnos occupying the upper Utcubamba Valley during the sixteenth century. As an ethnohistorical culture-area construct, there is little documentary evidence for a body of Chachapoya core traits. Espinoza (1967) cites worship of similar deities and music, dance, costume and language as unifying elements, but the imposition of Inca Quechua has complicated historical reconstruction of aboriginal language(s). Based on available ethnohistorical information, and distributions of archaeological traits, the most reliably identified Chachapoya boundary is the Marañón to the west. Scant documentary evidence places a southern limit around 8° south latitude near the boundary shared by the modern departments of La Libertad and Huánuco. The northern and eastern and boundaries remain unknown, and are likely to have fluctuated. Some ethnohistorians argue that Chachapoya ayllus lacked pan-regional political unity, except when they formed confederacies to confront external threats such as those posed by the Incas (Espinoza 1967; Pease 1982; Zevallos 1995). Among pre-Inca Chachapoya ayllus, sociopolitical organization probably ranged through a continuum of egalitarian and ranked levels of complexity. Espinoza (1967) has suggested village-centered ayllus as maximal sociopolitical units, while archaeologists have assumed chiefdom (Schjellerup 1997), and even state (Morales C. 1994) levels of sociopolitical integration. No settlement survey has documented the kinds of site hierarchies expected of complex chiefdoms or states. Both inter-site and intra-site architectural and mortuary variability do suggest social inequality, and early documentary evidence intimates that demonstrated prowess in warfare and sorcery, as well as heredity, provided routes to leadership status. These institutions, however, may have been amplified under Inca and Spanish domination. Control of exchange alliances and acquisition of wealth may have offered an additional route to positions of high status and leadership. In reality, the archaeological evidence for local and regional Chachapoya sociopolitical development is paltry, and open to various interpretations. We believe that similarities in pottery styles, architectural details and settlement patterns indicate that by the beginning of the Late Intermediate Period (LIP, AD 1000), a regional identity emerged throughout Chachapoyas based upon the growth and fissioning of ayllus that remained linked by kinship, regional sodalities and trade alliances. This identity coalesced into an ethnic category labeled “Chachapoya” for administrative convenience by the Incas when they incorporated local ayllus into a single province organized by decimal census categories. Some ayllus’ names appear in the earliest Colonial census records, but frequent Silverman2_Ch45.indd 904 11/20/2007 10:22:04 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 905 Figure 45.1. Map of northeastern Peruvian Andes indicating Chachapoya archaeological sites. (Warren Church and Adriana von Hagen) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 905 11/20/2007 10:22:04 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 907 PRE-CERAMIC CHACHAPOYAS Lacking archaeological data, scholars have tended to overlook the forested eastern slopes of the Central Andes as potential habitats for early foraging populations. Excavations at Manachaqui Cave (3,650 masl), however, recovered evidence of human occupation as early as cultural remains from South American regions that have received far more intensive study (Church 1999, 2004). Two AMS dates calibrated to approximately 12,200 and 11,900 BP (dates calibrated using McCormac et al. 2004; OxCal v.3.10, Bronk Ramsey 2005 unless otherwise noted) accompany scrapers, gravers, burins, and stemmed projectile points (see Figure 45.2a-g) resembling north coastal Peruvian Paiján (Chauchat 1988) and highland Ecuadorian El Inga styles (Bell 2000). The Manachaqui points seem to represent a southern, eastern-slope extension of an ostensibly “northern Andean” lithic industry, but great stylistic variability suggests that more than one transient population used the Figure 45.2. Preceramic Period projectile points from Manachaqui Cave. (Warren Church) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 907 11/20/2007 10:22:05 AM 908 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen cave. The finds support postulations that the eastern slope ecotone provided game species such as deer, taruca and other attractive resources (Dillehay 2000), while it may also have served as a migratory corridor for the southward spread of South America’s early settlers (Hester 1966; Lothrop 1961; Raymond 1988; Sauer 1944). Manachaqui’s late Pre-ceramic Period levels yield abundant triangular points with basal notches (Figure 45.2h-k), associated with hearths and radiocarbon dates averaging 2700 BC (Church 1996). Because the nearest distribution of similar triangular points lies 1,000 km distant at sites such as Asana (Aldenderfer 2000) and Toquepala (Ravines 1972) in southernmost highland Peru, the isolated northern occurrence of this point style at Manachaqui warrants further study and explanation. Around 2000 BC, Manachaqui’s function shifted from a hunting camp to a semipermanent habitation. A terminal Pre-ceramic Period component termed the Lavasén phase has been identified by occupation floors and rock-filled hearths, but few diagnostic artifacts (Church 1996). Charred, macrobotanical remains identified by Pearsall (1996) complement contemporaneous palynological indications of landscape disturbance and cultivation of Chenopodium or Amaranthus in the Manachaqui Valley (Hansen and Rodbell 1995), and fit into the widespread pattern of Late Preceramic Period cultivation of high-altitude grains in the Central Andes (e.g., Pearsall 1989, 1992; Chepstow-Lusty et al. 1998). These centuries coincide with the coastal Cotton Pre-ceramic Period. At both Manachaqui and at Pandanche in Cajamarca (Kaulicke 1975) it is tempting to speculate that “impoverished” core-flake lithic assemblages reflect the local adoption of woven cotton fiber for clothing, and the abandonment of lithic technologies adapted to processing animal hides. Manachaqui’s obsidian flakes have been traced to the Alca source approximately 1,000 km distant in the southern highlands of Arequipa (Burger et al. 1996). THE EARLY CHACHAPOYA CERAMIC TRADITION AND NORTHERN ALLIANCES The Initial Period Manachaqui phase (ca. 1400 BC) witnessed the adoption of ceramic technology and the appearance of a “Chachapoya ceramic tradition” that Schjellerup (1997) dates to the mid-Early Intermediate Period (EIP) based upon her excavations at the central Chachapoyas site of Huepón. In fact, Manachaqui’s earlier sequence suggests an earlier origin for a Chachapoya ceramic tradition marked by technological, formal and decorative attributes that persisted for two thousand years. The tradition features globular jars with round bases, short constricted necks, and everted, often folded rims, while decorative techniques emphasize the embellishment of vessel midsections, shoulders and rims with appliqué and incised appliqué clay strips in a variety of geometric, especially serpentine, patterns (Figure 45.3a-vv). Red slip, especially around the rim, becomes increasingly popular through time. Manachaqui Phase jars are small and portable with carinated and semi-carinated bodies (Figure 45.3a-i). After beveling, rims were frequently notched or lips deeply incised by gouging with a sharp tool. Incised appliqué ribs festoon vessel rims, midsections and shoulders, along with flanges and rare adornos. The Manachaqui style is singular, but it shares design features with highland Cajamarca’s Early Huacaloma (Terada and Onuki 1982) and Pandanche A (Kaulicke 1975), as well as with Bagua’s Morerilla styles (Shady 1987), as part of a larger ceramic interaction sphere arching around the northernmost Peruvian Andes. Intrusive in the assemblage are micaceous wares, recovered within a single layer tightly dated to 900 BC (Figure 45.3j, k), and featuring attributes Silverman2_Ch45.indd 908 11/20/2007 10:22:06 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 909 Figure 45.3. Ceramic samples excavated at Manachaqui Cave (a-oo); Gran Pajatén (pp-uu), and isolated find from site Man-3 (vv). (Warren Church) that distinguish Amazonian styles such as Peru’s Late Tutishcainyo (Lathrap 1970) and Ecuador’s Yasuní (Evans and Meggers 1968). This stylistic current from the northeastern lowlands appears abruptly at the end of the Manachaqui Phase, and coincides with the spread of Chorrera tradition stylistic attributes throughout the northern Andes (Idrovo Silverman2_Ch45.indd 909 11/20/2007 10:22:06 AM 910 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen 2000), and a “flash horizon” dispersal of new bottle shapes across the upper Amazon basin (DeBoer 2003). During the subsequent Suitococha phase, Manachaqui’s function as a wayside shelter offers an unusual opportunity to evaluate the oft-repeated statement that the Marañón Valley served as a conduit for the penetration into the Central Andes of Formative Period Ecuadorian aesthetic and cosmological notions (Lanning 1967; Lathrap 1970; Lumbreras 1993). The Suitococha ceramic assemblage introduces new jar and bowl shapes decorated with iridescent paint, zoned and polished red paint, punctation, stamping, and engraving (Figure 45.3l-u). These attributes ally it with Bagua (Shady 1987), Chorrera (Estrada 1958) and Upano (Porras 1987; see also Chapter 15 in this volume) styles to the north. Maize, probably grown at lower altitudes, appears at Manachaqui for the first time. The abrupt appearance of Chorrera tradition elements suggests that Chachapoyas had assumed a new role, channeling Early Horizon (EH) peer-polity interaction across the north-central Andes (Burger 1984, 1992; Shady and Rosas 1979). Nevertheless, the centuries between 500 and 200 BC corresponding to the spread of the Chavín cult appear to be poorly represented at Manachaqui. EARLY CHACHAPOYAS SETTLEMENT PATTERNS AND SHIFTING INTERACTION SPHERES The beginning of the EIP around 300 BC marks the first widespread occurrence of archaeological sites throughout northern and southern Chachapoyas. Sherd scatters (but no preserved surface architecture) on low ridge tops between 2,500 and 3,100 m above the Marañón probably indicate incipient population nucleation (Church and Valle n.d.; Schjellerup 1997). At Huepón (2,960 masl), Schjellerup (1997) excavated local ceramics radiocarbon dated to AD 10 (calibrated using Stuiver and Pearson 1993), and associated with EIP Initial and Early Cajamarca styles. The EIP also marks the first evidence of human occupation deep in the eastern cloud forest at Gran Pajatén, where excavations in construction fill recovered ceramics, maize kernels, and a stone hoe blade. Ceramic assemblages from Gran Pajatén and Manachaqui’s Colpar Phase layers feature short-necked jars, convex bowls with beveled rims (Figure 45.3v-bb), and radiocarbon dates ranging from 300 BC to AD 200. At Manachaqui, Ecuadorian ceramic attributes, and bones of a “sleeper,” a warmwater estuary fish, attest to continued long-distance connections with northern lowland societies. During the mid-EIP, a dramatic change in Chachapoya tradition pottery technologies coincides with the incorporation of local populations into expanding EIP Central Andean interaction spheres (Church 1996, 2004). The shift to a coarse brown ware emphasizing larger, globular jars with thick walls and longer, everted rims (Figure 45.3cc-hh) was thought by Lathrap (1970) and Isbell (1974) to represent the arrival of migrating Quechuaspeakers who cultivated maize on artificial terraces and favored settlement locations on high, defensible ridge tops above 3,500 masl. At Manachaqui, however, the simultaneous appearance of these new pottery attributes with camelid bones suggests the introduction of llama caravan transport technologies from the southern Andes. Jar characteristics were modified to facilitate transport in cloth or net “saddlebags” rather than by hand. Additional archaeological data demonstrate that Chachapoyas became firmly linked into EIP Central Andean interaction spheres, participating in vast interregional exchange networks. At Kuelap (Ruíz E. 1972) and Huepón (Schjellerup 1997), fine kaolin-ware Silverman2_Ch45.indd 910 11/20/2007 10:22:07 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 911 bowls imported from Cajamarca indicate sustained mid-EIP trade alliances across the Marañón. Farther south, however, similar fine wares (Figure 45.3ii-oo) attest to exchange across the Marañon with societies in the Recuay and Conchucos regions (Church 1994, 1996). The co-occurrence of positive-painted Recuay fine wares at Manachaqui, Gran Pajatén and in coastal valleys such as Nepeña (Proulx 1982), provides evidence for chains of east-west mediated exchange. The striking resemblance of Cajamarca modeled rims (Onuki and Terada 1982) to rims of undated assemblages collected in the Huallaga lowlands (Ravines 1978) suggest that Chachapoya societies were now mediating AndeanAmazonian exchange. Although supporting data is scant, we hypothesize that the stone carving traditions for which Chachapoyas is so renowned originated in the Recuay and Conchucos regions and spread northward through the Chachapoya site of Nuñamarca to proliferate during the Middle Horizon (MH) and subsequent centuries. Resemblances between Nuñamarca’s lithic sculpture illustrated by Tello (2004) and Curtin (1951), and sculpture throughout the Recuay and Conchucos regions suggest reliable mid-EIP cross-dates for sculpturally embellished Chachapoya monumental constructions. Indeed, these architectural, technological and iconographic similarities prompted Tello (1942) and his students (Mejía 1956; Rojas 1970) to include Chachapoyas within their hypothetical Marañón or Huaylas culture area. Images of splayed human figures, felines, and feline-human hybrid creatures with fanged teeth, shown in profile, are broadly distributed throughout north highland Peru. The similarity between the splayed stance of a figure gracing a Recuay stone relief (Grieder 1978: fig. 148) and Chachapoya human images portrayed at Gran Pajatén may offer compelling evidence for contemporaneity and culture contact. Nevertheless, their contexts indicate that a thousand years separate their dates of manufacture. Great caution must be exercised in using iconographic attributes for dating purposes, since such stylistic elements evidently persisted for many centuries in Chachapoyas (Church 1994; Kauffmann 1983). CHACHAPOYAS DURING THE MIDDLE HORIZON Despite the dearth of radiocarbon dates representing the Middle Horizon (MH) between AD 700–1000, many scholars have assumed that construction of Chachapoyas monumental settlements and tombs began during the mid-MH, around AD 800. This assumption rests upon Ruiz’s (1972) association of masonry constructions at Kuelap with Pumahuanchina phase layers containing Chachapoya tradition ceramics and both imported and emulated Cajamarca III (Reichlen and Reichlen 1949) or Middle Cajamarca (Terada and Matsumoto 1985) floral cursive bowls. Based upon later excavations at Kuelap, Narváez (1988) concurs with Ruiz’s assessment. Huepón’s stratified deposits evidently include a MH component (Schjellerup 1997), though details have not yet been reported. Further south near Pataz, only a few Wari-influenced tri-colored sherds from excavations at Chirimachay Cave represent the MH (Church 1994). In summary, archaeological evidence suggests continuous occupation of Chachapoyas through the MH, but more precise chronological evidence for the beginning of Chachapoyas monument building is needed. Although Wari imperial incursions and interactions dating to MH epochs 1B-3 (approximately AD 650–850) had increasingly attenuated impact on societies north of Huamachuco, several lines of evidence indicate that MH interaction spheres stretched into Chachapoyas and the northeastern fringes of the Central Andes. A few Wari-style sherds collected during “cleaning” at Kuelap date to MH 2B (Ruíz E. 1972), while a single sherd from Cerro Silverman2_Ch45.indd 911 11/20/2007 10:22:07 AM 912 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen Campanario near Uchucmarca dates to late MH 1B (Keith Muscutt, personal communication, 2002) (see Figure 45.4c). Imported Cajamarca III ceramics at Pirka-Pirka (Vega 1978) near Uchucmarca, and a Cajamarca floral-cursive bowl from a tomb at nearby Laguna Huayabamba (Figure 45.4d) radiocarbon dated to AD 1050 (Briceño and Muscutt 2004) attest to Figure 45.4. Detail of tie-dyed tunic from Laguna de los Cóndores (CMA 0600) (Adriana von Hagen); b. Detail of tapestry tunic portraying human heads and profile feline heads, Laguna de los Cóndores (INCL-0111) (Adriana von Hagen); c. Middle Horizon IB sherd found at Cerro Campanario (Keith Muscutt); d. Cajamarca floral-cursive bowl from Laguna Huayabamba (Keith Muscutt) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 912 11/20/2007 10:22:07 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 913 MH exchange across the Marañón. Like their Inca successors, Wari likely sought access to Chachapoyas’ tropical resources, perhaps through Cajamarca intermediaries. Aside from trade pottery, evidence for Wari impact in Chachapoyas is most clearly seen in textiles from well-preserved Chachapoya-Inca chullpas and mortuary contexts now housed in the Museo Leymebamba (see Figure 45.4a-b). While several technical features suggest an Inca affiliation, iconography and technical attributes such as tunic assembly methods and tapestry weaving techniques point to Wari inspiration (von Hagen n.d.). Cajamarca intermediaries may have introduced Wari textiles into the region, where Chachapoya weavers imitated the new techniques and iconography; many of these traits apparently lingered in Chachapoya weavers’ repertoire well into the LIP. Tie-dyed tunics from Laguna de los Cóndores and nearby Quintecocha offer particularly compelling examples of Wari influence. The tunics are simplified interpretations of stunning Wari “patchwork” textiles (see Stone-Miller 1992: plates 21a, 21b) documented from coastal tombs. South of Laguna de los Cóndores, excavations at the aforementioned Laguna Huayabamba tomb yielded a fragment of plain weave, tie-dyed cotton (Muscutt, pers. comm. 2002). Associated radiocarbon dates suggest that tie-dye was used in Chachapoyas by 1050 AD and the end of the MH. CULTURAL FLUORESCENCE DURING THE LATE INTERMEDIATE PERIOD During the LIP, the Chachapoya embarked on a period of population growth, settlement nucleation and artistic fluorescence, a trend that scholars believe began by the end of the MH. The timing of these profound changes remains poorly documented, but participation in MH interaction spheres no doubt had a significant catalyzing impact. The onset of the LIP marks the genesis of “classic” Chachapoya culture, with its hallmark hamlets, villages and fortified urban complexes of circular stone constructions, and cliff tombs. Throughout the region, hundreds of settlements cluster above 3,000 masl along the Marañón-Huallaga divide or between 2,000–2,900 masl on the forested slopes of the eastern cordillera. Nucleated settlements with four hundred or more structures are rare, but include Kuelap, high above the Utcubamba, (Narváez 1996a, 1996b), Caserones or Timbambo in the Atuen watershed (Schjellerup 1997), Purun Llaqta de Cheto east of the modern city of Chachapoyas (Ruíz B. 2004), and La Jalca east of the Utcubamba (Lerche 1986). While the promontory location of sites may be a response to internecine hostilities, as suggested by the chroniclers, few settlements, aside from Kuelap, are fortified. Mountain terrain provided natural defenses for some settlements. Walled settlements include Vira Vira (Muscutt 1998), Teya (Langlois 1939; Lerche 1995) and Pabellón (Lerche 1995). The Chachapoya may have placed their villages on mountaintops to mitigate high rainfall and landslides, or to avoid occupying potential farmland (Schjellerup 1997). Unfortunately, very few Chachapoyas sites have been adequately dated, and in the absence of excavated samples and examination of architectural details, it is often difficult to determine whether settlements were built and occupied during the LIP, Late Horizon (LH) or both. It is seldom possible to date sites merely by the presence or absence of Chachapoya architectural canons and iconography since many of these have EIP roots, persist through the LH, and even appear accentuated at some Inca period sites. Subsistence practices focused on high altitude tubers and grains, hunting, and tending domesticated guinea pigs and camelid herds for needed meat protein. Many settlements are Silverman2_Ch45.indd 913 11/20/2007 10:22:09 AM 914 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen surrounded by the extensive remains of field systems, ranging from broad, earthen terraces to ridged fields and stone-faced terraces in protected gullies. At 3,800 masl, Timbambo (or Caserones) in the Atuen drainage is surrounded by 500 ha of field systems and nearby Bóveda (3,400–3,600 masl) includes 100 ha of field systems (Schjellerup 1997). Around La Jalca in the Utcubamba Valley, studies by Lerche (1986) revealed similarly constructed, extensive terracing systems. Further down the eastern slopes, especially in the Huayabamba and Abiseo drainages, large terracing systems covering slopes in the Montecristo Valley surrounding Gran Pajatén suggest that maize was probably cultivated intensively. Although circular houses are not unique in the ancient Andes, singular features distinguish Chachapoya constructions. They frequently sit atop larger, circular platform bases, accessed by ramps or stairways. Decorative, stone mosaic friezes (zigzags, rhomboids, step-frets or figurative motifs such as those at Gran Pajatén) embellish the platforms or structures’ upper walls; only rarely are these found gracing interior walls (see Figures 45.5, 45.6). Cornices, surrounding or set in a half-moon around the houses, served as decorative features or walkways, protecting the foundations from rainfall. Steeply pitched, conical thatch roofs crowned the constructions. The settlements appear to follow the terrain in a seemingly random pattern, although Kuelap includes houses clustered along corridors or facing common patios, suggesting planning, and reflecting social relations (Narváez 1988). Perched on a ridge at 3,000 masl, high above the Utcubamba, Kuelap is one of the most impressive northern Chachapoya sites, not only for the natural beauty of its setting but for the sheer audacity of its surrounding wall. Today, orchids and bromeliads festoon large trees, hinting at the lush forests that once blanketed much of the region. The citadel occupies around 6 ha and runs north-south along a limestone ridge almost entirely encased by a giant retaining wall. The site complex, however —including outlying settlements, tombs and agricultural terraces— covers approximately 450 ha. The height of the perimeter Figure 45.5. A slate frieze portraying human figures with carved sandstone tenoned heads decorates the lower exterior wall of Building No. 1 at Gran Pajatén. (Gregory O. Jones) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 914 11/20/2007 10:22:09 AM 916 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen Three entryways punctuate the wall, two on the eastern side and one on the western, cliff side. The main entry is trapezoidal and was once partly covered by a corbelled vault. The entryway is actually a 60 m-long, walled corridor that narrows into a passageway allowing only one person at a time to enter. Excavations and mapping within the settlement by Narváez (1988) revealed 420 mostly circular structures distributed in lower and upper sectors, likely reflecting social divisions. Such bipartite divisions appear to be common at LIP Chachapoya settlements such as Vira Vira, Patrón Samana and La Congona (Ruiz 1985). At Kuelap, the walled-off upper sector contains several rectangular structures with unknown functions. The imposing surrounding wall, restricted entryways, possible parapets and 2,500 sling stones stashed on the Torreón, a tower at the settlement’s northern side, imply that Kuelap’s inhabitants were preoccupied with security. Large clumps of burnt roofing thatch indicate that residents either burned the structures at the time of abandonment or that Kuelap came to a violent end. THE INCAS AND THE CHACHAPOYA The Inca conquest of Chachapoyas began in the fifteenth century during the reign of Topa Inca. Inca presence in Chachapoyas was brief, yet intense, not only transforming religion, language and settlement patterns, but also restructuring social and political institutions. The Incas reorganized local sociopolitical hierarchies, elevated some local leaders to curaca status and appointed a yana, an outsider, as apical administrator (Espinoza 1967; Pease 1982). They curried the curacas’ favor by lavishing them with gifts of women and fine cloth and other trappings of Inca-sanctioned authority. Yet many Inca policies kindled resentment and disputes among competing curacas (Espinoza 1967). It is no surprise, then, that Inca rule was fraught with rebellions. Ironically, the same institutions that united autonomous ayllus into a centralized and governable province may have ultimately galvanized Chachapoya ethnic identity (Church 1996; Schjellerup 1997, 1999), spawning pan-regional alliances born of resistance. In response to the frequent uprisings, the Incas banished many people as mitmaq colonists (as much as 50% of the population according to Espinoza [1967] and Lerche [1995]) to distant parts of the empire, including Lake Titicaca, the Lucumayu Valley northwest of Cuzco, and in Cuzco itself where Chachapoya served as Huascar’s palace guards (Bandelier 1907; Espinoza 1967; Rostworowski 1993). In turn, the Incas resettled Chachapoyas with bureaucrats, potters and loyal subjects whose presence fractured any allied resistance. The pottery-producing community of Huancas, just north of modern Chachapoyas, was inhabited by the descendants of Wanka mitmaq, relocated from the Mantaro Valley during the reign of Huayna Capac. Chachapoya and Cañari mitmaq installed in the Mantaro Valley appear to represent “matched exchanges” of colonists (D’Altroy 1992:197). Mitmaq from the north coast controlled the strategic Marañón crossing at Balsas (Zevallos 1995), while 200 Chupaychu from Huánuco manned garrisons. Despite the turmoil, researchers have not identified Inca forts in Chachapoyas such as those at the northern and southeastern extremes of the empire (Hyslop 1990; D’Altroy 1992). Ethnohistorical accounts differ regarding the number of Chachapoya hunos (units of 10,000 taxpayers) created by the Incas. We suspect that the Incas established three hunus (Lerche 1986; Schjellerup 1997), but that only two remained by the time the Spaniards arrived (Espinoza 1967). War casualties, mitmaq policies and Inca failure to control less organized or more elusive societies to the north and east must have resulted in substantial population Silverman2_Ch45.indd 916 11/20/2007 10:22:13 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 917 attrition, provoking repeated political and demographic reorganization. On the eve of the Spanish invasion, the population may have numbered 100,000 individuals, assuming a ratio of one taxpayer for each family of five within two hunus. Site density alone suggests that pre-Inca Chachapoyas’ population was at least three-fold greater than the documentary evidence indicates. According to Espinoza (1967), the Incas administered a southern huno from Cunturmarca, where archaeologists documented a large Inca complex above the modern town of Condormarca. The seat of a northern huno is more difficult to determine, but may have been Levanto, just south of modern Chachapoyas, at the junction of the north-south road and the road east to Moyobamba. Early documents say Topa Inca had a sun temple and a “palace” built there (Espinoza 1967). Alternatively, centrally located Cochabamba may have served as the northern hunu seat, as well as the principal Inca administrative center for all of Chachapoyas. Located above Balsas where the road from Cajamarca joins the north-south road, Cochabamba is one the few Inca sites in the region to boast classic, imperial style architecture with double jambed doorways, kancha compounds and fountains (Schjellerup 1997). Why did the Incas invest such effort and time conquering and re-conquering the rebellious Chachapoya? The overarching goal of Inca expansion was to harness labor, and siphon sufficient wealth to meet the needs of the Inca state and the nobility’s opulent supporting infrastructure. Although Chachapoyas’ human resources and commodities such as coca and gold must have been desirable, the Incas chiefly aimed to expropriate frontier highlandlowland exchange systems wholesale for access to vital tropical forest resources (Salomon 1986). These networks provided medicinal plants and herbs, honey and beeswax, cacao and wild vanilla, cotton, vegetal dyes, animal pelts, the hardwood of the chonta palm, and the feathers of tropical birds used to decorate headdresses and textiles (von Hagen 2004). Beyond natural resources, ethnohistorical and ethnographic studies portray the eastern lowlands as a pharmacopoeia and home to powerful shamans. Amazonia served as the primordial source of esoteric knowledge, which was also traded into the Andes. If esoteric knowledge was valued as political capital, then controlling access to Amazonia must have been paramount. Deep in the forest east of Cochabamba the Incas constructed several substantial complexes, including Pukarumi, a walled site at a bottleneck in the Huabayacu river valley (Schjellerup 1997). A few kilometers downriver along a paved road lies Tampu Eje, apparently under construction on the eve of the Spanish invasion. Farther east, researchers recorded the remains of Chachapoya and Inca constructions, agricultural terraces, and the foundations of a sixteenth or seventeenth century chapel (Muscutt 1998; Schjellerup 1997). Inca and Chachapoya constructions have also been identified at similar elevations north of the Huabayacu in the Huambo and Jelache valleys (Schjellerup et al. 2003) and elsewhere in the Huabayacu drainage (Cornejo et al. 2004). These and other installations on the forested slopes of the upper Huayabamba watershed were likely to have functioned as staging areas for feasting and exchange among the Incas, Chachapoya and forest groups such as the Hibito, who occupied territories between the Chachapoya and Huallaga valley lowlanders. Inca tambos, possible garrisons and sites of unknown function (see Lennon et al. 1989; Schjellerup 1997; Coello 2000) dot the Chachapoya landscape, but conspicuous by their scarcity are Inca storage facilities, ubiquitous in other Inca provinces. The extreme humidity of the region, the highly perishable nature of the products, and perhaps distrust of unruly local populations may explain their paucity. Much of the region’s output could have been promptly dispatched to Inca provincial centers across the Marañón in Cajamarca, Huamachuco or perhaps south to Huánuco. Silverman2_Ch45.indd 917 11/20/2007 10:22:14 AM 918 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen The LIP witnessed a proliferation of Chachapoya settlements poised near the forest’s edge, many of which controlled entryways into the tropical lowlands. The Incas “colonized” many such settlements by adding their hallmark constructions. Near traditional routes to Moyobamba and the Huayabamba lowlands east of Levanto, fieldwork at the 400-ha settlement of Purun Llaqta de Cheto revealed some 600 constructions, many of them Inca (Jorge Ruíz B., personal communication, 2005). Similarly, Inca constructions were probably late additions at settlements such as Inticancha above Uchucmarca. The eastern slopes between Purun Llaqta and ancient Cajamarquilla (modern Bolívar) are crisscrossed by pre-Hispanic roads (Church 1992; Lerche 1995; Schjellerup 1997), traces of which have even been observed along the lower Huayabamba River (Savoy 1970). The especially dense clustering of Chachapoya settlements between Leymebamba and Bolívar, and the “trailhead” locations of La Jalca, Cunturmarca and other sites attest to the tendency to maximize access to the eastern lowlands. One trailhead site, Llaqtacocha (2,800 masl) at Laguna de los Cóndores, lies in the heart of territory once occupied by the Chilchos, a Chachapoya subgroup that inhabited the forested slopes east of Leymebamba and northeast of Bolívar, between the Huabayacu and Chilchos rivers (Espinoza 1967; Lerche 1995). The Inca presence at Llaqtacocha is marked by two rectangular constructions at the 33-ha site, which includes the remains of some 130, mostly circular structures (Guillén 2000; von Hagen 2000, 2002a, 2002b, 2002c). Excavations unearthed late Chachapoya and provincial Inca ceramics, indicating that the settlement and the burial site across the lake are contemporary. More recent survey at the neighboring lakes of Quintecocha and La Mona (Panaifo et al. 2005) has documented similar lakeside settlements and tombs in the surrounding cliffs. The Incas appropriated many of the lakes’ burial sites, physically and spiritually usurping the sacred tombs of the communities’ ancestors overlooking venerated lakes. The emblematic Chachapoya sites of Gran Pajatén and Los Pinchudos, built in the shadow of Inca hegemony, are considered the pinnacle of Chachapoya architectural achievement. Gran Pajatén is a small ridge-top settlement of approximately 25 buildings (Rojas 1967; Bonavia 1967; Church 1994). Four of the most prominent buildings feature geometric and zoomorphic mosaic-like slate friezes, and others depict frontal views of splayed, anthropomorphic figures with sandstone tenoned heads and elaborate headdresses. Quartz crystals and decorated pottery (Figure 45.3pp-uu) excavated in Building No. 1 suggest that they may have served as residences of privileged individuals who engaged in private rituals. Even larger, equally ornate settlements in the Montecristo Valley await further study. At Los Pinchudos wooden statues are cunningly arrayed under the eaves of the main burial chamber which bears a geometric frieze highlighted in shades of red and yellow ochre and white (Kauffmann 1980; Morales et al. 2002) (see Figure 45.8). Finds of Spondylus shell pendants and Chimú-Inca pottery attest to exchange linkages established with the coast under Inca aegis (see Figure 45.9). At both Gran Pajatén and Los Pinchudos, local leaders seem to have used Inca ceramics for private status displays while simultaneously constructing monuments declaring Chachapoya identity to a wider audience. The mortuary complex at Laguna de los Cóndores across from Llaqtacocha is tucked into a cliff side ledge and consists of six intact chullpas and the foundations of a seventh (Guillén 1999; von Hagen 2002a, 2002b, 2002c; von Hagen and Guillén 1998). Although looters churned through the tombs, slashing mummy bundles with machetes and destroying valuable contextual information, the wide array of burial offerings that accompanied the more than 200 mummy bundles and other human remains display a cosmopolitan mix of local and exotic influences. Khipus, the only ones ever recovered in Chachapoyas, Silverman2_Ch45.indd 918 11/20/2007 10:22:14 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 919 Figure 45.8. Cliff tombs at Los Pinchudos. Tomb in foreground decorated with step-fret frieze painted in shades of red and yellow ochre with white, and including anthropomorphic wooden statues suspended under eaves. (Gregory O. Jones) Figure 45.9. Artifacts from Los Pinchudos: a-c. Provincial Inca-style ceramics; d. Chimú stirrup-spout vessel; e. Spondylus shell pendants. (Warren Church) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 919 11/20/2007 10:22:14 AM 920 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen feature among the extraordinarily valuable finds (Urton 2001; see Chapter 41 in this volume). The well-preserved burial offerings are playing a vital part in finding answers to the genesis of the Chachapoya art style, revealing new imagery on perishable artifacts such as textiles and gourds. Burial goods included unmistakable tropical lowland imports such as a desiccated feline, apparently a margay (which lives at elevations below 900 masl, well below the lake) and headdresses festooned with feathers of lowland species such as parrots and macaws (von Hagen 2004) (see Figure 45.10). Schjellerup (1997) and other researchers have viewed the widespread proliferation of shared architectural techniques and symbolism during the LH as an overt expression of Chachapoya ethnic identity. During times of conflict and rebellion, artistic archaisms and the prominent commemoration of ancestors can be interpreted as a form of resistance indicative of ethnogenesis. But does this resurgence date to Inca times or to the tumultuous years between Spanish conquest and the implementation of viceroy Toledo’s reducción Figure 45.10. Artifacts and iconography recovered from Laguna de Los Cóndores: a. Rollout of a pyroengraved gourd (CMA 1160) (Drawing by Cecilia Núñez); b. Tunic arrayed with profile felines (CMA 0394) (Adriana von Hagen); c. Detail of woven figure from a tunic (CMA 2070) (Drawing by Cecilia Núñez); d. pyro-engraved, profile feline on hollow bamboo container (CMA 1580) (Drawing by Cecilia Núñez); e. Desiccated feline, possibly a margay (CMA 1756). (Adriana von Hagen) Silverman2_Ch45.indd 920 11/20/2007 10:22:15 AM Chachapoyas: Cultural Development at an Andean Cloud Forest Crossroads 921 policies in the 1570s? A small wooden crucifix, glazed pottery and glass trade beads indicate that the chullpas at Laguna de los Cóndores continued to be used into early Spanish colonial times. Although Gran Pajatén’s radiocarbon dates fall firmly within the LH, numerous dates from Laguna de los Cóndores, Los Pinchudos and the settlement of La Playa near Gran Pajatén suggest a powerful resurgence of Chachapoya cultural identity during the early Colonial era, reminiscent of what happened in the Ica Valley on Peru’s south coast where a renaissance of local ceramic styles occurred immediately following the fall of the Inca Empire (Menzel 1976). Similarly, as Inca power waned in Chachapoyas, weavers, potters and architects may have defiantly revived artistic traditions infused with Chachapoya imagery. Conversely, it is entirely possible that the late fluorescence of Chachapoya artistic and architectural expression reflects both resistance during Inca rule and revival following Inca collapse. Our analysis of calibrated AMS radiocarbon dates from several late Chachapoya settlements does not allow us to reject either possibility entirely. CONCLUSION Many archaeologists synthesizing Andean culture history and cultural evolution have ignored or dismissed Chachapoyas as an inconsequential periphery, peopled late in prehistory by intrusive populations. In this chapter we describe and interpret a growing archaeological record of independent cultural development with roots as deep as those of cultures documented elsewhere in the Andes. The record indicates that Chachapoyas played an important role in the peopling of South America by mobile foragers at the end of the Pleistocene. Future investigations may reveal that Chachapoyas witnessed early experimentation with lowland and mid-elevation cultigens that later became highland staples. By the end of the Pre-ceramic Period, local populations intensified cultivation of high-altitude grains much as they did elsewhere in the Andes. Studies of stylistic changes imply that the Marañón-Huallaga divide channeled long-distance interaction during pivotal moments in the evolution of Central Andean civilization. By the mid first millennium, the region had become fully incorporated into Central Andean interaction spheres, as it offered access to lowland produce and Amazonian communication networks indispensable for the functioning of highland chiefdom, state, and imperial political economies. Above all, we believe that it is important to recognize that it was not environmental constraints, but rather historical processes beginning with the Inca conquest and ending with widespread epidemic disease in Colonial times that transformed Chachapoyas from a thriving cultural crossroads into a remote and forgotten corner of the northeastern Peruvian Andes. The Chachapoyas archaeological record has temporal gaps, but the same holds true for other Central Andean regions. While some archaeologists characterize the region as little studied and poorly known, the inadequate accounting of Chachapoyas archaeology is more a problem of scale. Popular twentieth-century accounts by explorers such as Savoy (1970) are marred by self-serving hyperbole, but they still confirm that most of the region’s sites remain unknown or undocumented, concealed by uninhabited montane forest, or situated far from roads and villages. Like most archaeology conducted in the Central Andes, Chachapoya investigations have proceeded piecemeal, without an overarching strategy, with most attention directed to the largest and most elaborate monuments. Future work must proceed with well-conceived research designs, especially if we wish to understand pre-Inca socio-political and economic organization. If the pre-Inca ayllus of Chachapoyas were as loosely organized as Pease (1982) and others suggest, then how was Silverman2_Ch45.indd 921 11/20/2007 10:22:16 AM 922 W.B. Church and A.V. Hagen labor mobilized to erect such colossal fortifications as Kuelap? What political and religious institutions underwrote the expressive genius of Gran Pajatén and Los Pinchudos? What agricultural strategies so effectively underwrote cultural development in this challenging environment? These are questions with broad anthropological ramifications. Yet while a great deal of basic, systematic archaeological reconnaissance remains to be done, perhaps more pressing are site conservation and stabilization, and especially protection from looters. Chachapoyas archaeology, like the cloud forest that envelops it, is endangered. Acknowledgments The authors would like to thank Carol Mackey, Keith Muscutt, and Gary Urton for their helpful and constructive editorial comments on an earlier version of this chapter. 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